Accounting for R: shifting segments and constraint-based grammar

This paper explores segmental shifts and their formalization in constraint-based models. Using historic French data on rhotics (“r-like sounds”), productive and perceptual evaluative matrices are proposed to account for output variability, including a formalization of ranked output. If ad hoc segmental constraints are proscribed, as it is argued, the ultimate selection of one rhotic over another cannot be fully explained without recourse to knowledge units deriving from extra-grammatical factors, in this instance social forces. Proposals for the reconciliation of constraint-based models with attested data include the reintroduction of parochial rules and the admission of learned, non-universal constraints.

Research highlights RHtriangle Rhotic shift – synchronic and diachronic variability involving ‘r-like’ segments’ – is common in the world’s languages; a well-documented case of rhotic shift is seen in the history of French.  RHtriangle Rhotic shift cannot be accounted for by productive (articulatory/speaker) and receptive (perceptual/listener) factors alone; explanation must also include extra-grammatical considerations. In the case of French, these factors include the relative prestige or weight of particular rhotic variants.  RHtriangle Segmental markedness constraints are poorly motivated and do not positively contribute to the explanatory adequacy of constraint-based analyses dealing with segmental or melodic phenomena.  RHtriangle For explanation of rhotic shift to be made in a constraint-based formal framework, two paths may be pursued: sociolinguistic markedness constraints may be incorporated, sacrificing strict notions of constraint universality but maintaining grammatical serialism; or parochial rules may be applied alongside constraint interaction, maintaining universality but establishing core and peripheral grammatical functions.