Accentual preferences and predictability: An acceptability study on split intransitivity in German

• We investigate the accentual structure of simple intransitive sentences in German.
• Acceptability ratings show that predictability influences accentuation.
• Highly predictable verbs do not bear the nuclear accent.
• The accentuation preferences for unergatives differ from those for passives.
• However, accentual preferences cannot be reduced to differences in predictability.

The difference in the default prosodic realization of simple sentences with unergative vs. unaccusative/passive verbs (assigning early nuclear accent with unaccusative/passive verbs but late nuclear accent with unergative verbs) is often related to the syntactic distinction of their nominative arguments as starting off in different hierarchical positions. Alternative accounts try to trace this prosodic variation back to asymmetries in the semantic or pragmatic contribution of the verb to an utterance. The present article investigates the interaction of the assignment of default nuclear accent with the predictability of the verb. In an experimental study testing the acceptability of nuclear accent assignment, we confirmed that the predictability of the verb influences accentual preferences (such that highly predictable verbs are preferably not accented). However, the experiment also reveals that the unaccusativity distinction cannot be accounted for by means of pragmatic phenomena of this type: the two verb classes are associated with distinct accentual patterns in the baseline condition, that is, without the predictability manipulation.