Phrase structure in Mi’gmaq: A configurational account of a “non-configurational” language

• Mi’gmaq is underlyingly configurational despite appearing “non-configurational”.
• Subject–object asymmetries are unexpected if DPs are adjuncts.
• Superiority, binding, and agreement data show subject–object asymmetries.
• Long-Distance Agreement proposed as diagnostic for structural height.
• DPs are concluded to be base-generated in argument positions.

In this paper I argue that the syntax of Mi’gmaq (Eastern Algonquian) is underlyingly configurational despite displaying surface characteristics of non-configurationality. Three subject–object asymmetries are presented that cannot be accounted for in a principled manner unless: (1) DPs are base-generated in Argument (A) positions, and (2) the subject A-position asymmetrically c-commands the object A-position. First, I show that wh-phrases are strictly ordered in multiple wh-questions which is accounted for as a Superiority effect. Next, I present disjoint reference effects within a clause which shows that Binding Condition C effects are present. Finally, I present a restricted pattern of Long-Distance Agreement with embedded declaratives that is limited to the structurally highest embedded argument. The presence of a Restricted LDA pattern is proposed as a diagnostic for the relative structural height of DPs, which has implications for Algonquian languages with a similar pattern. I conclude that Mi’gmaq is configurational. I propose that an investigation of discourse factors is the most promising possibility to explain the non-configurational appearance of Mi’gmaq.