Optimizing the relation between tone and prominence: Evidence from Franconian, Scandinavian, and Serbo-Croatian tone accent systems

• The paper examines similarities in the diachronic development of three tone accent systems (Franconian, Scandinavian, Serbo-Croatian).
• Some varieties of these systems optimized the tone-prominence relation (TPO).
• Unmarked high/falling tones replaced marked low/rising tones in accent syllables.
• Interrogative intonation is affected to a lesser degree than declarative intonation.
• Different adaptation strategies can lead to tone reversals across dialects.

This paper provides a diachronic explanation for related changes in the tonal melodies of Franconian, Scandinavian, and Serbo-Croatian tone accent systems. It is argued that in each of these systems, some dialect groups have optimized the relation between tone and prominence by replacing cross-linguistically marked low level or rising pitch contours in (nuclear) accent syllables with unmarked high level or falling ones. Two diverse adaptation strategies can be identified, essentially leftward shifts of pitch vs. pitch raising at the beginning of accent syllables. These diverse strategies can lead to a reversal of tonal melodies across related dialects, as can most clearly be demonstrated on the basis of a tonal reversal in declaratives between so-called Rule A vs. Rule B dialects in Franconian. The analysis allows for a reconstruction of the original accent oppositions in Franconian and Scandinavian dialects: it can be shown that despite their different origins, the languages had similar original tonal contours for the two tone accents, and the diverse melodies among modern dialect groups are the outcome of similar developments. The paper contributes to our understanding of diachronic (Germanic) accentology and provides a tool set for reconstructing diachronic changes in the tonal melodies of prosodic systems.