Constraining argument structure in nominalizations: The case of English -er

• Not all argument inheritance in nominalizations involves head movement.
• Merging nominalizers directly with V constrains argument realization properly.
• Lexicalist-style derivations are needed, even in syntactic theories.

The article contributes to the typology of structural factors constraining argument realization in nominalizations, focussing on English –er-nominals. It reappraises conclusions of earlier studies on when –er-nominals allow argument realization. Derivations disallowing argument linking are treated as semantically and structurally parallel to nominal compounds, and their argument-structural behaviour is attributed to a generalization that non-heads of base-generated complex heads cannot realize arguments, with principled exceptions. In argument-realizing –er-nominals, some speakers allow the full range of argument structures permitted by head movement analyses, while less liberal varieties require a (lexicalist-inspired but syntactically implemented) analysis where –er is an Agent-realizing affix that selects V°, forcing arguments of V to merge above affixation as arguments of nouns, which is only possible for PP and of-insertion arguments.