On verb–subject languages

Jouitteau's 2005 generalization that absolute V1 is not allowed introduces an interesting perspective on the possible structural relatedness between V1 and V2 grammatical systems. This article examines whether Celtic and Germanic display additional convergences beyond those that involve the left periphery. The verb–subject order in finite declarative clauses is one of them. It is shown that, once certain assumptions are made concerning the syntax of formal features (they “fission” when unsatisfied) and the featural endowment of Tense (the phi-requirement should carefully be distinguished from the EPP-requirement), some of the characteristics of the Celtic and Germanic peripheries straightforwardly follow from the properties of the inflectional domains. As far as the latter are concerned, three dimensions of variation are isolated, which decisively contribute to shaping clausal structure and determining word order: the inflectional richness of verbal forms, whether tense has a featural/morphemic representation within vP, and the presence/absence/optionality of T's [EPP].