کد مقاله کد نشریه سال انتشار مقاله انگلیسی نسخه تمام متن
6027641 1580914 2014 11 صفحه PDF دانلود رایگان
عنوان انگلیسی مقاله ISI
Morphosyntax can modulate the N400 component: Event related potentials to gender-marked post-nominal adjectives
موضوعات مرتبط
علوم زیستی و بیوفناوری علم عصب شناسی علوم اعصاب شناختی
پیش نمایش صفحه اول مقاله
Morphosyntax can modulate the N400 component: Event related potentials to gender-marked post-nominal adjectives
چکیده انگلیسی


- Comprehending post-nominal adjectives: gender agreement and semantic congruity.
- Gender agreement violations elicit an N400-like negativity.
- Sentence constraint modulates LPCa for gender agreement violations.
- Single and double violations of gender and semantics elicit equivalent LPCb.
- Results support effects of morphosyntax and meaning at similar processing time points.

Event-related potential studies of grammatical gender agreement often report a left anterior negativity (LAN) when agreement violations occur. Some studies have shown that during sentence comprehension gender violations can also interact with semantic processing to modulate a negativity associated with processing meaning - the N400. Given that the LAN and N400 overlap in time, they are identified by their scalp distributions and purported functional roles. Critically, grammatical gender violations also elicit a right posterior positivity that can overlap temporally and potentially affect the scalp distribution of the LAN/N400. We measured the effect of grammatical gender violations in the LAN/N400 window and late positive component (LPC) during comprehension of Spanish sentences. A post-nominal adjective could either make sense or not, and either agree or disagree in gender with the preceding noun. We observed a negativity to gender agreement violations in the LAN/N400 window (300-500 ms post stimulus onset) that was smaller than the semantic-congruity N400, but overlapped with it in time and distribution. The early portion of the LPC to gender violations was modulated by sentence constraint, occurring as early as 450 ms in highly constraining sentences. A subadditive interaction occurred at the later portion of the LPC with equivalent effects for single and double violations (gender and semantics), reflecting a general stage of reprocessing. Overall, our data support models of language comprehension whereby both semantic and morphosyntactic information can affect processing at similar time points.

ناشر
Database: Elsevier - ScienceDirect (ساینس دایرکت)
Journal: NeuroImage - Volume 91, 1 May 2014, Pages 262-272
نویسندگان
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