کد مقاله | کد نشریه | سال انتشار | مقاله انگلیسی | نسخه تمام متن |
---|---|---|---|---|
911744 | 1473168 | 2016 | 11 صفحه PDF | دانلود رایگان |
• Structural prediction among people with aphasia (PWA) was examined.
• PWAs' reading of or and an NP disjunct was speeded by either, showing prediction.
• Effect of either decreased across the experiment for older controls.
• Findings provide novel evidence of lexically-cued structural prediction in aphasia.
• Controls and PWA may adapt on-line to likelihood of structures in the local context.
Young neurotypical adults engage in prediction during language comprehension (e.g., Altmann & Kamide, 1999; Staub & Clifton, 2006; Yoshida, Dickey & Sturt, 2013). The role of prediction in aphasic comprehension is less clear. Some evidence suggests that lexical prediction may be spared in aphasia (Dickey, Warren, Hayes, & Milburn, 2014; Love & Webb, 1977; cf. Mack, Ji, & Thompson, 2013), and there is even indication that structural prediction may be spared in some people with aphasia (PWA; e.g. Hanne, Burchert, De Bleser, & Vashishth, 2015). The current self-paced reading experiment manipulated the presence of either to examine structural prediction among PWA and a set of similar-aged neurotypical control participants. Consistent with intact structural prediction for both groups of participants, when either preceded a disjunction, reading times were faster on the or and second disjunct (cf. Staub & Clifton, 2006). For neurotypical controls, this effect of the presence vs. absence of either shrank reliably as more experimental items were encountered, whereas for PWA there was a non-significant trend for it to grow as more experimental items were encountered. These findings indicate that PWA and older neurotypical individuals can use a lexical cue to predict the structural form of upcoming material during comprehension, but that on-line adaptation to patterns in the local context may be different for the two groups.
Journal: Journal of Neurolinguistics - Volume 39, August 2016, Pages 38–48